On January 3, 1964, Time magazine awarded “Man of the Year” to Martin Luther King, Jr.  In December of that year, King received the Nobel Peace Prize.  What circumstances prompted these prestigious awards?  The answer lies in the events of 1963, which Time labeled as the “most decisive year in the Negro’s fight for equality” (“Man of the Year” 13).  The pivotal event of that year was King’s direct action campaign in Birmingham, Alabama, which was begun in April 1963.  For out of this campaign emerged what historian S. Jonathan Bass calls “the most important written document of the civil rights protest era”—King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail (Bass 1).  The Letter from Birmingham Jail (Letter) embodied and eloquently explained the purpose of the civil rights movement and became its premier and foundational document.  More importantly, the Letter became the catalyst for unprecedented social changes.  Prominent scholars and colleagues of King—Lewis V. Baldwin, Taylor Branch, Wesley T. Mott, S. Jonathan Bass, August Meir, James F. Findlay, Donald T. Phillips, Malinda Snow, Andrew Young, and Alton Hornsby, Jr.—have carefully documented King’s life and the civil rights era.  Based on their research, I have gleaned information that reveals the immense influence of the Letter from Birmingham Jail; in 1963 and 1964, King’s letter pricked America’s conscience and galvanized black and white Americans (especially church-going ones), motivating them to work together in the struggle for racial justice and equality (Branch Parting 762; Bass 104-6; Baldwin 125).  It inspired clergy to become active leaders in the civil rights movement and convinced the media to promote King’s social vision.  It influenced the John F. Kennedy administration and led to the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964.  In the decades following the sixties, the Letter from Birmingham Jail has continued to be a rallying cry for modern activists—both foreign and domestic.  The Letter is also a “widely read modern literary classic” which still shapes American mores (Bass 1). |

According to Phillips and Baldwin, King’s goal was “to ‘awaken the moral conscience of America,’” challenge her to live up to her ideals, and “produce federal legislation” that would meet his political goals of equal treatment under the law for blacks (Phillips 173; Baldwin 68).  To do this, King needed to “unlock the shared feelings and understandings” of blacks and whites (Branch Parting 792). 
           
Understanding what happened in Birmingham in April and May 1963 is imperative to understanding why King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail was later embraced so ardently by the American public.  Taylor Branch, a national authority on the civil rights movement, asserts that the events of the “Birmingham movement…transformed King’s letter from a silent cry of desperate hope to a famous pronouncement of moral triumph” (Branch Parting 744).  In 1963, Birmingham was arguably the most racially divided city in America.  In addition, the hotheaded Birmingham police chief, Bull Connor, and other city leaders were fervently devoted to segregation laws and practices.  King targeted Birmingham in April 1963 as an ideal spot for his non-violent direct action campaign, because he believed Connor would be too impetuous to restrain his racist anger and would react violently to King’s campaign.  King’s hope was to prick American’s consciences by exposing the decades-long violence and inequities of segregation and racism to the American public.  He planned to do this by disobeying segregation laws, thereby provoking Birmingham police and government leaders to “act out” in front of the media (King “Letter” par. 24; Young 185-193).  He hoped that by bringing the putrid puss of racism out into the open, it could finally be “dealt with” (King “Letter” par. 24). 

Luckily for King and his civil rights movement, Bull Connor reacted just as King had anticipated.  King’s demonstrators included men, women, children and the elderly.  Connor treated them all with equal contempt.  He ordered the fire department to spray the marchers with fire hoses.  These hoses, strong enough to knock bricks out of walls, broke people’s ribs and rolled adults and children down the streets.  Other peaceful demonstrators were attacked by police dogs or beaten by police.  Those demonstrators who were not hospitalized were rounded up and taken to jail.  Over the course of the nearly month-long campaign, 2,500 blacks (including one thousand school children) were jailed.  Pictures of Birmingham’s violence were broadcast throughout the nation and the world.  Americans were especially outraged by the scenes of aggression against innocent children and by images of them being arrested and shoved into outdoor cattle pens, because the jails were too full to accommodate them (Branch Parting 755-778; Bass 133).

King himself was incarcerated on Good Friday, but was released a few days later.  While King was in jail, a newspaper was smuggled into his cell.  The paper had printed an open letter, dated April 13, to King from eight highly respected Birmingham clergy of various religious faiths—Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish—who had been selected by Alabamans as their representatives.  These men were not segregationists; they were moderates who believed in equality for blacks, but objected to King’s methods, which they viewed as radical and extreme (Bass 24-27; Young 223).  They believed a gradual approach towards desegregation would be the best and most peaceful resolution to racial problems (Bass 18-27).  Bass reports that the previous January these same clergymen had risked their reputations and even their lives by speaking out against Alabama Governor George Wallace’s stand on segregation:  “segregation now…segregation tomorrow…segregation forever” (2, 18).  In an open letter, they had proclaimed that “[e]very human being is created in the image of God and is entitled to respect as a fellow human being with all basic rights, privileges, and responsibilities which belong to humanity’” (2).  As moderates, these men believed that it was their duty to fight extremism wherever it was found, so they condemned Wallace and chastised King. 

In their letter to King, these eight clergymen echoed the concerns and criticism of many black and white Americans:  they labeled King as an outsider, called his direct action campaign untimely, and questioned his tactics of breaking laws (against assembly and for segregation) to make his case.  They believed that negotiation, rather than confrontation, would be a better avenue for change.  (The complete text of their letter can be found in Snow par. 16-22.) 

On April 16, King began writing a letter from his jail cell in response to this criticism.  King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail read like a Pauline epistle, Negro sermon, and press release rolled into one (Snow par. 4; Mott 412; Bass 227).  Its purpose was to call the clergy and the American public to repentance and motivate them to active participation in social reform.  In his letter, King claimed that as a Christian leader and an American he was not an outsider; he had the right to defend America’s Judeo-Christian values and liberties (King “Letter” par. 2-4).  He skillfully interwove Christian and democratic themes to convince his readers of the moral and constitutional legitimacy of his civil rights cause and his direct action campaign.  He set forth compelling evidence that the Negro people had been denied their God-given rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.  Exhibiting the heinous consequences of racism combined with allusion to God’s word on the matter, King showed the urgency of quick and direct action to end segregation laws and practices—justifying his “moral obligation” to disobey unjust laws (par. 7-31). 

King devoted nearly half his letter to “aiming at a tender spot in political and religious culture….religious respectability” (Branch Parting 741; King, “Letter” par. 23-44).  He classified the white Christian moderate as “the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom” and equality (King “Letter” par. 23).  King pulled no punches in his analysis of moderate church leaders who did not participate in social reform.  He said, “all too many [white ministers, priests and rabbis] have been more cautious than courageous and have remained silent behind the anesthetizing security of stained-glass windows” (par. 35).  King wanted white ministers to do more than just “admonish their worshipers to comply with…desegregation …because it is the law, …[he] longed to hear white ministers declare:  ‘Follow this decree because integration is morally right and because the Negro is your brother’” (par. 37).  King reminded the clergy that the early Christian church was powerful because it “was not merely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was a thermostat that transformed the mores of society….By their effort and example they brought an end to ancient [social] evils” (par. 40).  King also equated sins of commission with sins of omission:  “We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people” (par. 26).  For these sins, “the judgment of God is upon the church as never before” (par. 42).  Interwoven with his strong admonishment of languid Christians, King offered a message of hope, redemption and resolution—the “more excellent way of love and nonviolent protest” (par. 28).

King, the master of the moment, recognized the opportunity the eight clergy had provided for him to promote his views.  He immediately began writing his rebuttal in the margins of the newspaper.  When he ran out of room, he used toilet paper and paper slipped in by his associates.  The letter was smuggled out in pieces, then deciphered and typed by King’s SCLC subordinates (Branch Parting 742-744).  It soon became apparent to the SCLC that King’s message came from a perfect setting—a persecuted prophet writing an epistle from jail, just as the Apostle Paul had done (Bass 115; Snow par. 4).  They decided to exploit this opportunity.  After King was released from jail (and before the Birmingham campaign was completed), he and his associates edited, polished and released the twenty-page letter to the media and other groups within the first two weeks of May (Bass 120, 134).  However, since the themes in King’s letter were already familiar to the press, they saw no new news in it, and the letter was largely ignored (Branch Pillar 48; Bass 134). 

Meanwhile, the violence in Birmingham was making headlines all over the United States and the world.  People were hungry to understand the events they had witnessed in Birmingham and they wanted to hear King’s side of the story.  Suddenly, there was a mainstream demand for his writing and the media complied.  Most historians agree that Quakers were the first to publish the Letter from Birmingham Jail, which they distributed in 50,000 pamphlets.  As demand increased, they reprinted it in their June issue of Friends (Branch Parting 803-4; Bass 141-2).  Other Christian journals quickly followed—notably the “widely read Protestant ecumenical weekly the Christian Century,” which published the letter in its entirety on June 12 (Findlay 69; Bass 142).  By the end of the summer, the media, which had previously been condemnatory of King, was solidly behind him; newspapers and secular magazines throughout the nation featured the Letter—often as their cover story (Branch Parting 803-4; Colaiaco par. 14).  With the violent images of racial injustice still in American’s minds, King’s letter rang like a clarion call of truth, repentance, and hope to millions of readers.  King had finally reached his audience!  The impact was almost instantaneous.

 

The Letter from Birmingham Jail, which had been launched by public interest in King’s Birmingham marches, suddenly gave King a new image as a (cont'd from the print edition) hero and defender of constitutional and Judeo-Christian values (Bass 98-99; Branch Parting 804-6).  By “perform[ing] the traditional role of a prophet, as one who sees clearly and speaks truth plainly,” he was now the “drum major for freedom, justice, and equality” (Snow par. 55; Colaiaco par.33).  King had pricked America’s conscience and called the “sinners” to God (Mott 419). 

The letter had the intended effect of waking Christian America from their passivity and motivating them to action in behalf of the inalienable and god-given rights of liberty and equality for black Americans.  Black moderate clergy, who had been reluctant to join King’s movement because of their aversion to “radical” direct action campaigns, began to see the logic of King’s position and became ardent supporters.  After Birmingham, the middle-class and wealthy black population—who were trying to integrate into white society and who had typically shunned civil rights campaigns for fear of being “black balled”—began to support King.  They suddenly identified with those on the lower economic rungs and saw their moral obligation join in the crusade for national reforms (Bass 104-106; “Man of Year” 16).  Even black leaders such as Roy Wilkins of the National Association of Colored People (NAACP), who had consistently opposed King and his philosophy of disobedience to laws, was swayed by King’s arguments.  He immediately became a participant in King’s demonstrations and assisted in organizing future campaigns such as the March on Washington (Young 193; Branch Parting 849; “Man of the Year” 16).  Time reported that “[f]or the first time, a unanimity of purpose slammed into the Negro consciousness with the force of a fire hose.  Class lines began to shatter” (“Man of the Year” 16).  King had united the splintered black community.

White moderate clergy also answered King’s call to join the crusade for freedom.  They immediately commenced preaching about the moral issues intertwined in the black quest for civil rights.  Several Roman Catholic archdioceses even required a certain percentage of sermons to be preached on race relations (“Man of the Year” 26).  Many clergy began welcoming blacks into their all-white congregations.  They also joined the ranks of King’s demonstrators, marching for freedom, and even being jailed for their activities. The National Council of Churches allocated “$300,000 to support civil rights activities” (26).  Ordinary church-going white Americans and Hollywood stars also became involved in the movement.  This new interest by both blacks and whites to push for national reforms, led to the first interracial mass meetings, which were held in California, Chicago, Atlantic City, and Albany that summer (Branch Parting 804-6). 
 

King’ Letter had suddenly coalesced a nation and propelled him to the forefront of the “first mass movement among blacks that succeeded in getting large numbers of whites (especially church people) existentially involved as participants for racial justice” (Baldwin 125).

The events of Birmingham almost immediately created a public relations nightmare for the John F. Kennedy administration.  Before the Birmingham demonstrations, Kennedy was reluctant to propose new civil rights legislation because he viewed the issue as too fraught with “political danger” (Branch Parting 823; “Man of the Year” 25).  He had ignored King’s 1962 plea for a “second emancipation proclamation” guaranteeing equal rights for blacks.  However, Kennedy’s views and priorities quickly changed as he saw media accounts of the riots in Birmingham.  For instance, when President Kennedy saw a media photo of a police dog attacking a peaceful black youth, he felt compelled to begin federal negotiation and intervention to resolve the Birmingham crisis (Branch Parting 764).  King had succeeded in creating a domestic crisis requiring federal attention, a first step towards getting civil rights legislation on the agenda. 

In addition to intruding into Kennedy’s domestic program, King’s Birmingham campaign threatened Kennedy’s foreign agenda.  The United States was in the middle of the Cold War and Kennedy was “battling for the [one billion neutral] minds and the hearts of men in Asia and Africa,” trying to persuade them about the benefits of democracy and the evils of communism (Branch Parting 791).  But his efforts were stymied by headlines throughout the world which were screaming about America’s racist problems.  Kennedy’s credibility (and America’s reputation) was being undermined because the world could see that black Americans were being denied “the basic rights of life because of the color of their skin” (791, 796, 834).  By the end of King’s Birmingham campaign, Kennedy finally realized that he had to place civil rights squarely on the national agenda.  On May 20 and 21, he ordered the Justice Department to draft a “tight and tough [civil rights] bill, aimed particularly at voting rights, employment, and the end of segregation in the public facilities” (“Man of the Year” 17; Branch Parting 808).



King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail, coupled with the explosive events in Birmingham which spawned hundreds of nationwide demonstrations, pressured Kennedy to quick action in promoting his civil rights bill (“Man of the Year” 16, 25).  In June, Kennedy took a bold step and accepted King’s challenge (in the Letter and a subsequent newspaper article) to “begin speaking of race as a moral issue” (King “Letter” par. 37; Branch Parting 822-3).  Ignoring the advice of his closest advisors, he went on live national television to “outline his forthcoming civil rights legislation” and to proclaim:  “We are confronted primarily with a moral issue….It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.  The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated” (Branch Parting 823-4).  Later that month, Kennedy introduced his civil rights legislation to congress (Findlay 66; Young 252).

Although President Kennedy was now ready to tackle civil rights legislation, there was scant support in congress for such a dramatic step.  Little did they realize that King had awakened America’s conscience and, according to historian James F. Findlay, a new age in Christian and Jewish social activism had dawned (Findlay 67).  America’s religious community had been converted to the civil rights cause by King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail and was poised to exert unprecedented political pressure on their national leaders.  Using King as their model and his Letter as their text, national religious organizations (such as the National Council of Churches) teamed up with thousands of local Christian and Jewish congregations to flex their combined political muscle and fight for racial justice (Findlay 70). 

Their first action was to coordinate the churches’ participation in King’s August 28, 1963 March on Washington—a mass demonstration supported by Kennedy and designed to demonstrate the huge national support for black civil liberties and to pressure congress into passing Kennedy’s proposed civil rights legislation (Young 270; Findlay 71-73).  The March on Washington was an excellent “measure of the extraordinary national shift since the spring” Birmingham movement and the publication of King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail (Branch Parting 875).  American’s passivity had been shattered.  Estimates of the numbers of demonstrators in the March range from 200,000 to 500,000 (876).  However, “one of the most significant facts” of the March is that one quarter of the people were white—the first time whites had joined in a “large-scale civil rights demonstration” (Phillips 172). 
 
Next, local religious communities, in cooperation with national religious organizations, orchestrated a massive grassroots campaign in support of civil rights legislation.  For instance, in 1963 and 1964, Midwestern clergy sponsored numerous seminars to educate their congregations about the moral issues surrounding racial justice and to “[urge] people to initiate telephone, telegram, and letter-writing appeals to their congressmen and to join delegations being organized to visit their representatives in Washington” (Findlay 75).  On Sundays, many ministers would “[leave] time during or immediately after the service for people to write to Washington” (86).  Church members became so politically active that Hubert Humphrey, the floor manager of the [Civil Rights] bill in the Senate, called the churches’ influence “the most important force at work” in getting it passed (66).   Findlay’s comprehensive study of the effect of clergy and ordinary church members on the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 confirms that their political influence and activism was the key element in ushering the bill through its many obstacles, including a Senate filibuster led by Southern senators (67, 88-89).  Congress passed the Civil Rights Act on July 2, 1964.  That afternoon, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed it into law (Branch Pillar 387).  King’s Letter had been the catalyst for this historic event.  Baldwin notes that by using his Letter to call upon clergy and religious citizens to “fulfill [their] social responsibility,…[King] solicited from American churches…their greatest contribution to American social progress in their support of civil rights activities and legislation which helped change the whole climate of race relations in this country” (Baldwin 130).

As we can see, King’s Letter from Birmingham Jail, the centerpiece of his Birmingham campaign, had a great impact upon Americans in 1963 and 1964.  It “proved to be the turning point in the…civil rights movement” (Phillips 172).  Its place in history is assured.  But is King’s letter merely a document of historical interest?  No, it has played a significant role in subsequent decades and is relevant to people today.  King’s Letter lives on as a vibrant and timely document.  It is a rallying cry for activists around the world who are concerned about social injustices.  Activists draw upon his letter for guidance in how to run their own movements and to justify their actions.  Perhaps the most dramatic example of the influence of the Letter from Birmingham Jail on modern events is the story of Lech Walesa, the leader of Poland’s Solidarity movement.  Andrew Young reports that in the 1980s, Lech Walesa used the principles embodied in the Letter to make his case for Polish workers’ rights.  Using King’s moral arguments and following King’s Birmingham pattern for civil disobedience and direct action, Walesa “led the Poles out of communism” and contributed to the end of the Cold War.  (Young 25, 523; Ash 1-2).

Hundreds of other illustrations of how people use King’s Letter to promote their causes and to influence current events could be cited.  Here are three:  In 2001, Milton McGriff, editor of The Philadelphia Tribune, called upon African-Americans to follow King’s formula, as outlined in the Letter, to pass H.R. 40—a bill to create a “commission to study reparation proposals for the African-American Act” (Milton par. 1, 21-23).  In 2000, Alice Ito, a prominent community activist in California and Washington, used King’s letter to defend her so-called radical actions.  Quoting King, she stated that “injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere” (Hai-Jew par. 32).  If fighting for injustice is radical, she, like King, is proud to be a radical since social “systems should be [radically] changed so that there really is justice for all” (par. 33).  Mauri Saalakhan is a Muslim and the head of the Peace and Justice

Foundation of Washington.  He is actively engaged in fighting for justice for American Muslims.  In 1997 he explained that King’s “perspective on matters relating to freedom and justice…[has] had the most profound impact on [him]” and his work (Saalakhan par. 6).  He said, King’s letter is “one of the most eloquent and powerfully poignant declarations ever written on why the struggle for justice anywhere in America should be viewed as one struggle, and…why this very important struggle [for justice for all Americans] should never be deferred” (par. 6). 

In addition to motivating social activists, Baldwin asserts that a huge cultural legacy continues to flow from King and the values he outlined in his Letter (Baldwin 1).  Many modern theologians and black ethicists have “drawn on the insights and vision of King” to teach their congregations and to move forward their fight for racial justice —both in the United States and around the world (3-4).  But the letter’s modern influence does not end with clergy, intellectuals, and activists, every year over 100 countries around the world celebrate King’s January birthday (291).  Often these celebrations include readings from King’s most well-known works:  The Letter from Birmingham Jail and I Have a Dream.  Thus, many common citizens are exposed at least annually to the ideals embodied in King’s Letter.  Phillips, a consultant who specializes in teaching people how to succeed, uses King’s letter to illustrate how to inspire and motivate others (Phillips 168-172).  Mott states that “[t]he Letter is one of the most frequently collected items in college English anthologies and has [been] the most popular course of reading among black and white students” (Mott
412).  King’s legacy and influence continues. 

 

Unfortunately, the effect of King’s Letter on the general consciousness and culture of “ordinary” Americans has not yet been measured by a scientific study.  However, based on my own reaction and the responses I received from people whom I asked to read the Letter, I believe it continues to influence individual mores and values.  For instance, after reading the Letter, my sister-in-law stated:  “This letter makes me want to participate in causes that promote justice and equality” (Stringham 1).  Another woman commented that the Letter caused her to step back and analyze her own actions to see if they measured up to the standards set by the Bible, the Constitution, and the Declaration of Independence (Wright 1).  Like these people whom I interviewed, students who evaluate the Letter in their college courses are also being tutored by King.  They are learning how basic Christian and American values are intertwined with racial justice.  The fact that all humans deserve to be treated fairly, no matter the color of their skin is now part of American culture’s common knowledge.  I believe it is logical to propose that this document continues to impact the consciences and psyches of Americans.

Preston Williams, a black ethicist, gives his analysis of why King’s message continues to reverberate through the generations:  “The persistence of interest in King’s ideas and beliefs in the fundamental righteousness of his cause stems perhaps from his teaching that love, not fear, makes peace and justice possible” (Baldwin 120).  I agree with Williams, but I believe there is more to it than that.  The power of King’s message in his Letter from Birmingham Jail is that it strikes the cords of truth embodied in our U. S. Constitution, the Declaration of Independence, and the Bible.  It reaffirms that we are all indeed children of God and are entitled to the same liberties and opportunities under the law.  The Letter continues to nudge consciences and motivate people (especially religious people) to work in defense of basic moral values.  King himself seems to agree with my conclusion.  In his Nobel Peace Prize Lecture, King reiterated his goals (which are embodied in his Letter from Birmingham Jail); he said, “This call for…neighborly concern beyond one’s tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all men” (King “Quest” par. 37).  This, of course, is what Christian living is all about!  It is no surprise that King’s letter moved America in 1963 and continues to influence her today.

                   Works Cited

Ash, Timothy Garton.  “Lech Walesa.” 
Time.  Google.  26 June 2002
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Baldwin, Lewis V.  To Make the Wounded Whole:  The Cultural Legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.  Minneapolis:  Fortress, 1992.
 

Bass, S. Jonathan.  Blessed are the Peacemakers.  Baton Rouge:  Louisiana State University., 2001.
 

Branch, Taylor.  Parting the Waters:  America in the King Years 1954-63.  New York: 
Touchstone-Simon & Shuster, 1988.
 

---.  Pillar of Fire:  America in the King Years 1963-65.  New York:  Simon & Schuster, 1998.
 

Colaiaco, James A.  “Dr. Martin Luther King’s Legacy:  Special Spokesman for Humanity’s Conscience.”  New York Amsterdam News 16 January 1993:  24.  ProQuest.  Weber State University Library, Ogden, UT.   25 May 2002 <http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=>.
 

Findlay, James F.  “Religion and Politics in the Sixties:  The Churches and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.”  The Journal of American History 77.1 (Jun., 1990):  66-92.  JSTOR. Weber State University Library, Ogden, UT.  17 May 2002
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Hai-Jew, Sharlin.  “Alice Ito:  Moved to Compassion.”  International Examiner 2 May 2000:  8. ProQuest.  University of Utah Library, Salt Lake City, UT.  25 May 2002 <http://proquest.umi.com/
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Hornsby, Alton, Jr.  “The Drum Major on the Mountaintop:  A Tribute to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.-II.”  Journal of Negro History 63.2 (Apr., 1978):  108-117.  JSTOR.  Weber State University Library, Ogden, UT.  17 May 2002
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Jahn, Gunner.  “The Nobel Peace Prize 1964:  Presentation Speech.”  Nobel Lectures, Peace 1951-1970.  1964.  Google.  12 June 2005 <http://www.nobel.se/peace/
laureates/1964/press.html>.
 

King, Martin Luther, Jr.  “Letter from Birmingham Jail.”  1963.  Google.  2 Sep 2002 <http://almaz.com/nobel/peace/
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---.  “The Quest for Peace and Justice:  Nobel Lecture.”  Nobel Lectures, Peace 1951-1970.  1964.  Google.  12 June 2002 <http://www.nobel.se/peace/
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“Man of the Year:  Never Again Where He Was.”  Time.  3 January 1964:  13-16, 25-27.  <http://proquest.umi.com/
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McGriff, Milton. “A Call to Action:  We Want H.R. 40 Passed.”  The Philadelphia Tribune 25 December 2001:  5A.  ProQuest.  Weber State University Library, Ogden, UT.  25 May 2002
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Meir, August.  “On the Role of Martin Luther King.”  New Politics 5.1 (Winter 1965): 52-59.  Rpt. in Black History:  A Reappraisal.  Ed.  Melvin Drimmer.  Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1968.  442-54.
 

Mott, Wesley T.  “The Rhetoric of Martin Luther King, Jr.:  Letter from Birmingham Jail.”  Phylon:  The Atlanta University Review of Race and Culture 36 (1975):  411-421.
 

Phillips, Donald T.  Martin Luther King, Jr. on Leadership:  Inspiration and Wisdom for Challenging Times.  New York:  Warner Books, 1999.
 

Saalakhn, Mauri.  “The Blood of a Martyr is not an Ordinary Blood.”  The Washington Informer 22 January 1997:  16 Supplement.  ProQuest.  Weber State University, Ogden, UT.  25 May 2002 <http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=>.
 

Snow, Malinda.  “Martin Luther King’s ‘Letter from Birmingham Jail’ as Pauline Epistle.”  The Quarterly Journal of Speech 71.3 (August 1985):  318-34.  Contemporary Literary Criticism.  Weber State University Library, Odgen, UT.  25 May 2002 <http://proquest.umi.com/
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Stringham, Alta L.  Personal Interview.  Provo, Utah.  19 April 2002.
 

Wright, Sheryl.  Personal Interview.  Provo, Utah.  6 June 2002.
 

Young, Andrew.  An Easy Burden:  The Civil Rights Movement and the Transformation of America.  New York:  HarperCollins, 1996.

                     

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